20世纪的西方思想文化：左翼的理想宣言

《休伦港宣言》（PortHuronStatement）

1962年6月，45名新左派青年在密歇根州的休伦港集会，通过了一份长达62页的《休伦港宣言》，该宣言成为“美国新左派的第一篇宣言”。那些学生大多来自“学生争取民主社会组织”（Students for a Democratic Society，SDS）。于1962年6月15日通过此宣言。

这是篇在刘擎老师口中很是具有号召力、感染力的宣言，可以对照相应的英文原文进行自己的理解，这里其实我听过之后还是会有一些迷茫的情感在其中，这种迷茫不是因为文字而是源于背后的为什么要说出这样的话，以及说出这些话背后的影响是什么？以至于我现在还不能够写出自己的理解。不过这里作为了解。

休伦港宣言的内容，还需要细细品读之后，感受蕴含其中的道理。

原文是比较长的，这里引用百度文库中的内容：休伦港宣言 （中文译文）

以下是部分摘录：

我们是当代人，在至少是小康的环境中长大，目前住在大学校园里，正忐忑不安地注视着我们所继承的世界。当我们还是幼童时，美国是世界上最富裕、最强大的国家，当时唯有它拥有原子弹，它最少受到现代战争的侵害，而且它是联合国──我们认为该组织将把西方的影响扩散到全世界──的一个发起国。人人自由平等．民有、民治、民享的政府──我们那时觉得这些美国价值观念很好，是我们安身立命的原则。我们中许多人在自满情绪中成长。

然而随着年龄增长，我们的舒适安逸被一个又一个不能不令人忧虑的事件所打破。首先是南方反种族偏见斗争所昭示的无所不在、令人痛苦的人格贬黜的事实，迫使我们大多数人从沉默变为积极行动。其次，由原子弹的存在所象征的冷战笼罩世界的事实，使我们意识到：我们自己、我们的朋友以及千百万我们因共同的危险更加了解的抽象的“其它人”随时可能死去。对别的人类问题我们可以故意忽视、回避或麻木不仁，但这两个问题则不然，因为它们的冲击太直接太猛烈，它们对我们提出的要求太富有挑战性──要求我们每个人为冲突和问题的解决负起责任。

当这些和其它问题或直接压在我们身上或折磨我们的良心，成为我们自己关切的事，我们也开始看到我们周围的美国复杂而令人不安的自相矛盾现象。在南方及北方大城市中黑人生活的现实面前，“人人生而平等……”的宣言显得何等虚伪。美国所宣称的和平意图与它在冷战现状中的经济和军事投资互相抵触。

我们已亲眼目睹，而且将继续看到其它自相矛盾的种种怪事。依靠核能很容易向一座座城市提供全部电力，然而那些占据支配地位的民族国家似乎更有可能发动人类战争史上规模空前的毁灭性战争。虽然我们自己的技术正摧毁旧的社会组织形式，创造新的社会组织形式，人们仍在容忍徒劳无功的工作和懒懒散散，无所事事。三分之二的人类正苦于营养不良，而我们自己的上流社会却穷奢极欲，纸醉金迷。虽然世界人口预计在四十年后将增加一倍，各国仍听任无政府主义成为国际行动的一大原则，而不加节制的开采正耗尽地球的自然资源。虽然人类亟需革命的领导，美国却安于国家的僵局。它的目标模糊不清，模棱两可，受传统框框束缚；它的民主制度与其说是“民有，民治，民享”，还不如说是冷漠无情的，为权势所操纵摆布。

不仅我们关于美国人美德的意象蒙上了污点，不仅因美国理想的虚伪性被揭穿引起幻想破灭，而且我们开始感到，原来我们心目中的美国黄金时代其实是一个时代的衰落。在世界范围爆发的反对殖民主义和帝国主义的革命、极权主义国家的牢固确立、战争威胁、人口膨胀、国际秩序混乱、超技术等等──这些趋势正考验我们自己为民主和自由承担义务的坚韧性，考验我们在一个动乱的世界实现民主和自由的能力。

我们的工作遵从这种观念的引导：我们可能是进行生存实验的最后一代人。但我们屈居少数──我国人民的绝大多数认为我们社会和世界的暂时均衡是永恒的功能要素。或许这又是件自相矛盾的咄咄怪事：我们自己感到形势逼人，时不我待，但我们的社会却发出这种信息，即没有什么可行的方案能取代现状。在政治家宽慰人心的语调后面，在认定美国将“马马虎虎对付过去”的一般观点后面，在那些拒不考虑未来的人们的呆滞迟钝后面，有着一种弥漫于社会的想法：根本就没有什么选择的余地；我们的时代不但已目睹了建立乌托邦的尝试以失败告终，而且也看到了任何新方针走向穷途末路。人们感觉到社会的复杂压迫着空虚的生活，担心事情随时随地会失去控制。人们害怕变革本身，因为变革可能击碎眼下似乎为他们遏制住混乱的任何无形的框架。对大多数美国人来说，一切社会运动的参加者都可疑，都很危险。每个人在他的同辈人身上看到的都是冷漠，这一情况使得不愿组织起来实行变革的普遍心态永久存在。占统治地位的制度和机构纷繁复杂，足以挫损它们的潜在批评者的锐气；而且它们森严壁垒，足以迅速驱散或彻底击溃抗议和改革的力量，这样便限制了人们对未来的期望。此外，我们是个物质生活已得到改善的社会，通过自己状况的改善我们似乎已削弱了进一步变革的理由。

有些人希望我们相信，美国人在繁荣昌盛中感到心满意足──把这称为他们对自己在新的世界中的作用内心深处的忧虑外表涂上的一层釉彩岂不更好? 如果说这种忧虑造成对人类事务更不关心的冷漠态度，难道它不也会引起对以下信念的渴求：现状有可替代的东西，人们能够采取行动以改变学校、工厂、官僚体制和政府的状况。这种渴求既是变革的导火线又是变革的动力，我们正是向人们的这种渴求发出呼吁。为现状寻求真正民主的替代物，承担对它们进行社会实验的义务，是有价值、能充分发挥才能的人类事业，这项事业今天推动我们前进，我们也希望它推动别人前进。正是在此基础上我们提出这份关于我们的信念和分析的文件，作为二十世纪后期理解和改变人类状况的一种努力，它植根于这样一个古老的、至今尚未实现的设想──人获得左右自己生活环境的力量。

原版：

We are people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities, looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit.

When we were kids the United States was the wealthiest and strongest country in the world; the only one with the atom bomb, the least scarred by modern war, an initiator of the United Nations that we thought would distribute Western influence throughout the world. Freedom and equality for each individual, government of, by, and for the people─ these American values we found good, principles by which we could live as men. Many of us began maturing in complacency.

As we grew, however, our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dismiss. First, the permeating and victimizing fact of human degradation, symbolized by the Southern struggle against racial bigotry, compelled most of us from silence to activism. Second, the enclosing fact of the Cold War, symbolized by the presence of the Bomb, brought awareness that we ourselves, and our friends, and millions of abstract "others" we knew more directly because of our common peril, might die at any time. We might deliberately ignore, or avoid, or fail to feel all other human problems, but not these two, for these were too immediate and crushing in their impact, too challenging in the demand that we as individuals take the responsibility for encounter and resolution.

While these and other problems either directly oppressed us or rankled our consciences and became our own subjective concern, we began to see complicated and disturbing paradoxes in our surrounding America. The declaration "all men are created equal..." rang hollow before the facts of Negro life in the South and the big cities of the North. The proclaimed peaceful intentions of the United States contradicted its economic and military investments in the Cold War status quo.

We witnessed, and continue to witness, other paradoxes. With nuclear energy whole cities can easily be powered, yet the dominant nation-states seem more likely to unleash destruction greater than that incurred in all wars of human history. Although our own technology is destroying old and creating new forms of social organization, men still tolerate meaningless work and idleness. While two-thirds of mankind suffers undernourishment, our own upper classes revel amidst superfluous abundance. Although world population is expected to double in forty years, the nations still tolerate anarchy as a major principle of international conduct and uncontrolled exploitation governs the sapping of the earth's physical resources. Although mankind desperately needs revolutionary leadership, America rests in national stalemate, its goals ambiguous and tradition-bound instead of informed and clear, its democratic system apathetic and manipulated rather than "of, by, and for the people."

Not only did tarnish appear on our image of American virtue, not only did disillusion occur when the hypocrisy of American ideals was discovered, but we began to sense that what we had originally seen as the American Golden Age was actually the decline of an era. The world-wide outbreak of revolution against colonialism and imperialism, the entrenchment of totalitarian states, the menace of war, overpopulation, international disorder, super technology─ these trends were testing the tenacity of our own commitment to democracy and freedom and our abilities to visualize their application to a world in upheaval.

Our work is guided by the sense that we may be the last generation in the experiment with living。 But we are a minority─ the vast majority of our people regard the temporary equilibriums of our society and world as eternally functional parts。 In this is perhaps the outstanding paradox: we ourselves are imbued with urgency, yet the message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present。 Beneath the reassuring tones of the politicians, beneath the common opinion that America will "muddle through," beneath the stagnation of those who have closed their minds to the future, is the pervading feeling that there simply are no alternatives, that our times have witnessed the exhaustion not only of Utopias, but of any new departures as well。

Feeling the press of complexity upon the emptiness of life, people are fearful of the thought that at any moment things might be thrust out of control。 They fear change itself, since change might smash whatever invisible framework seems to hold back chaos for them now。 For most Americans, all crusades are suspect, threatening。 The fact that each individual sees apathy in his fellows perpetuates the common reluctance to organize for change。 The dominant institutions are complex enough to blunt the minds of their potential critics, and entrenched enough to swiftly dissipate or entirely repel the energies of protest and reform, thus limiting human expectancies。 Then, too, we are a materially improved society, and by our own improvements we seem to have weakened the case for further change。

Some would have us believe that Americans feel contentment amidst prosperity─ but might it not better be called a glaze above deeply felt anxieties about their role in the new world? And if these anxieties produce a developed indifference to human affairs, do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present, that something can be done to change circumstances in the school, the workplaces, the bureaucracies, the government? It is to this latter yearning, at once the spark and engine of change, that we direct our present appeal。

The search for truly democratic alternatives to the present, and a commitment to social experimentation with them, is a worthy and fulfilling human enterprise, one which moves us and, we hope, others today。 On such a basis do we offer this document of our convictions and analysis: as an effort in understanding and changing the conditions of humanity in the late twentieth century, an effort rooted in the ancient, still unfulfilled conception of man attaining determining influence over his circumstances of life。

这里或多或少还是会有一些相应的迷惑，所以还需要具体解释出来，什么是左翼的理想？

当时的西方，这里指的是当时的美国和欧洲一些相关国家，对于人权和自由在大革命之后有相应的许诺，那些所承诺的人人平等和所谓人权并没有真正的实现，所以这部宣言就是对于曾经做过的许诺，进行的批判。

中间体现是一种强大的内在思考和内在的自我批判，我身处的系统中本身就存在一种标准去评判一件事情的好与坏，或者说是正确和错误，用我们本身建立的体系去反观自己，就是一种自我批判即Interal Criticism

SDS前任主席卡尔·奥格尔斯说：我们的革命不是建立一个天堂，而是破坏一个地狱。

革命者对于未来想要什么并不清楚，但是对于未来的回答就是不要现在的。

新左派的最合适的定义就是，从否定的角度来论述，至少在已经发生的运动中，我们知道我们反对什么，拒绝什么，可是没有人知道我们想要什么。

可以从这一部宣言中看到20世纪60年代的其中一个思想。